Mattison, who has voted for both Republicans and Democrats, was open to a more conservative candidate. However, he said he disliked Donald Trump's divisive approach. While Mattison admitted he was not well-versed in Walz's policies, he related to the governor's background as a Midwesterner raised in farm country.
"He's kind of a homegrown guy," Mattison, 68, told Reuters outside a Walmart Supercenter in Black River Falls, Wisconsin, a town of about 3,500 located roughly 60 miles (97 km) from the Minnesota border.
Harris campaign officials are wagering that Walz’s down-to-earth style, Midwestern roots, and background as a former farmer, teacher, and National Guard member will resonate with some of the white men in rural areas who strongly supported Trump in the last two elections. They hope this will help secure key battleground states like Wisconsin, Michigan, and Pennsylvania for the Democrats.
However, this is a challenging task, particularly in the Midwestern states where the electorate tends to be older, whiter, and more blue-collar—Trump's strongest demographic.
Reuters interviewed around 40 voters in northwest Wisconsin, a highly contested region of the state, to gauge their opinions on the candidates and their running mates. The survey included Democratic, Republican, and undecided voters.
Many of these voters had already made their decisions before Harris selected Walz as her running mate. However, Mattison and another independent voter indicated that Harris' choice of Walz has influenced them to lean toward the Democratic ticket this year. One former Trump supporter expressed a favorable opinion of Walz but was still uncertain about his vote. Several others remained undecided.
Such incremental shifts can be crucial in battleground states. Even modest gains among specific voter groups—such as white working-class voters—can make a significant difference, according to Chris Borick, a pollster and professor at Muhlenberg College in Pennsylvania.
President Joe Biden’s 2020 victory over Trump was partly due to his improvement over Hillary Clinton's 2016 performance among white working-class voters. Although Biden still lost this group overall, Borick noted, "he was able to nudge the dial up a few points, and that made a big difference."
**'DESTROYED MINNESOTA'**
Despite this, galvanizing skeptical voters remains a challenge for the Harris campaign, even among those who are critical of Trump. Kevin Dunning, 65, a Republican voter and former commercial painting company owner, told Reuters he would never vote for Trump. However, he was disillusioned with Walz’s actions as governor during the COVID-19 pandemic, particularly his temporary closures of businesses. "Walz has destroyed Minnesota," Dunning said. He plans to write in his own name and that of his niece for president and vice president, while voting for other candidates in down-ballot races.
Most states tend to lean strongly Republican or Democratic, leaving the presidential race to be decided by a few truly competitive battleground states. Although Harris and Trump are nearly tied in national polls, they appeal to very different demographics.
Harris leads Trump among voters with college degrees, as well as Black and young voters, according to polls. Conversely, Trump has a significant advantage among white voters without a college degree, leading Harris 59% to 29% in July, based on an analysis of four Reuters/Ipsos polls. This demographic advantage also gives Trump an edge in former industrial states like Pennsylvania, Michigan, and Wisconsin, which are older and whiter than the national average.
Campaign officials hope Harris can energize diverse cities such as Philadelphia and Detroit and replicate Biden's strong suburban margins. However, early polls suggest she faces more skepticism among white working-class voters compared to Biden.
On the Republican side, U.S. Senator JD Vance from Ohio shares Trump's political beliefs, blending isolationism with economic populism. While Vance may help boost Trump’s campaign in Pennsylvania and Michigan, his conservative stance might alienate some moderate voters.
Walz, who first won election to Congress in a conservative district in 2006, is experienced in appealing to skeptical white working-class voters. Despite a Republican wave in 2010, Walz was re-elected, and he won again in 2016 despite Trump’s 15-point victory over Clinton. His ability to perform well in a Republican-leaning district drew attention from Harris's advisers during the vice presidential vetting process. Walz's former district flipped to Republican control after he left to run for governor in 2018.
Mary Brown, 69, a job coach in Eau Claire, Wisconsin, was another voter who leaned toward Harris after Walz joined the ticket. She was initially undecided but appreciated that Walz, like her, was a former teacher. Brown plans to vote based on the candidate rather than party lines in other races.
Peter Norvold, 68, a retiree with Democratic views, expressed a cautious optimism about Harris but admired Walz’s calm and steady demeanor. Living in Hudson, Wisconsin, near the Minnesota border, Norvold said Walz always seemed "normal," calm, and composed on television.
Jason Nachreiner, 39, a heating and air conditioning technician, remains undecided. He finds Harris unproven and is wary of Trump's potential to improve the economy amid the "turmoil" he brings. Having voted for Trump in the last election and Clinton in 2016, Nachreiner plans to vote but is unsure how he will decide. When asked what might influence him, he joked, "I don’t even know. An epiphany?"
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